‘D-Day’ for Burma

Wednesday, 24 March 2010 17:31 Dr. Tint Swe (Commentary)

(Mizzima) - The long awaited electoral announcement was ultimately made by Burma’s military junta on the occasion of International Women’s Day, and it deliberately barred the Lady of Burma from running for election and even being a member of a political party.

The so-called electoral laws were not passed by legislators but by the office of the coup leaders, so all the laws naturally represent what the military desires and what the opposition opposes.

The military regime has their constitution to guarantee supremacy of the army at all levels of administration; the sham referendum to enshrine the document being held only days after more than 130,000 people died due to a devastating cyclone. Now they have announced electoral laws to bury more people.

The junta also passed a law nine days after the events of September 18, 1988; barring a woman married to a foreigner from headlining Burmese politics. So for the last 20 years all the coup leaders have done is nothing but deal with a single woman.

In the election laws of 1988 members of the armed forces and government employees could not be members of political parties and contest the polls. But that clause was omitted in the new laws, with the constitution instead guaranteeing the military 25 percent of parliamentary seats.

Further, legally registered political parties have to respect the 2008 constitution. The National League for Democracy (NLD) and other ethnic parties leftover from the 1990 election have been asking for a review of the controversial constitution. If that legitimate demand is not met then all those parties cannot register and remain as political parties.

There are ten parties that contested the previous elections presently enjoying legal status. However, according to Article 25 they have to register again before May 7. And according to Chapter II, Article 4 (e) of the Political Parties Registration Law, Aung San Suu Kyi must be excluded as a member of the party. Most people believe that without her the NLD is nothing. The party must thus make its most critical decision in a tightly constructed timeline.

It is indeed a Catch-22 situation. In Burmese it is the example of a thorn apple, or datura stramonium - your hand will be hurt if you hold it and you will be mad if you swallow it. Most of the opposition would rather bleed than be hoodwinked by the junta.

After announcing the laws, the regime reopened all NLD offices sealed since 2003. It was an act not of relaxation but meant to press the NLD to register so as to offer the spectrum of an inclusive election as demanded by the international community. Wanting the NLD’s participation in the election cannot be interpreted as positive. The regime has placed a trap.

NLD General Secretary and Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is against her party being registered with the Election Commission because the electoral regulations are unjust. She is fighting for justice and freedom. Those who believe an election as an opportunity will go against her raison d'être. Meanwhile, township NLD offices are one-by-one giving notice of their support for Daw Suu’s stand.

On March 29th all headlines will tell of the NLD’s decision. The NLD party looks divided and the Senior General is smiling. The destiny of the pro-democracy struggle depends on the wisdom of NLD leadership.

There are political veterans, some youth and political opportunists who are desperate to play the game as set by the junta. For them a seat in parliament is better than democracy and freedom. They are happy to swallow the thorn apple.

(Dr. Tint Swe was elected as NLD MP in the 1990 elections and lives in New Delhi.)