The Sham Election of the Myanmar Military Junta

A Mizzima report on the first-phase election day held on December 28, 2025

Date: 8 January 2026

1. Brief overview of the election

Despite ongoing conflict and instability across the country, the Myanmar military junta has begun a staged election in three separate phases as a  political move. The election on December 28 marked the first phase, with the remaining phases scheduled for January 11 and 25 respectively. The December 28 election occurred nearly five years after the results of the 2020 General Election, involving more than 27 million valid votes, were annulled.

Throughout the country’s history, elections had only been conducted under the First-past-the-post (FPTP) system. However, the junta’s 2025 election was held using the FPTP, Proportional Representation (PR), and a combination of both. The PR system is designed to ensure that only candidates from the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and pro-military candidates are able to enter parliament.

2. Summary of findings prior to the election

In the first phase of the junta’s election on December 28, voter turnout was very low as the public protested it. Some independent media and citizen observers that have been able to monitor voting station in several cities reported that the voter turnout number has for sure not exceeded 20%. However, Major General Zaw Min Tun, a senior military spokesperson, claimed that over 6 million out of 11 million eligible voters participated across 102 townships on December 28, 2025. Therefore, according to the junta, the voter turnout was 52.13%.

In the 2020 election, many citizens carefully checked the voter list because they worried their names might be left off. Those whose names were missing went to the election commission office to request that their names be added. However, in the junta’s 2025 election, only a small number of people checked the voter list, even though it was announced three times over a two-week period each time. Very few who were not on the list asked to have their names included, as most of them were unwilling to vote. Reportedly, 4,863 candidates from 57 political parties contested the election. A total of 21,517 polling stations were opened across 102 townships.

2.1 – The townships where the election took place

On September 14, 2025, the Union Election Commission (UEC) announced that the election would not take place in 56 townships. Again, on December 5, they stated that there were no conditions under which the election could be held in 161 wards and 2,770 village tracts. Most areas where polling could not occur were in Shan State, Rakhine State, and Sagaing Region, which are controlled by revolutionary forces and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs).

Among the 102 townships included in the first phase, the election was fully held in only 48 townships. In the remaining 54 townships, the election could only be partially conducted. The first-phase election comprised a total of 102 townships: 8 in Naypyidaw Union Territory, 6 in Kachin State, 2 in Kayar State, 3 in Karen State, 2 in Chin State, 12 in Sagaing Region, 4 in Tanintharyi Region, 8 in Bago Region, 9 in Magway Region, 8 in Mandalay Region, 5 in Mon State, 3 in Rakhine State, 12 in Yangon Region, 12 in Shan State, and 8 in Ayeyarwady Region.

2.2- Election monitoring

Russia, Belarus, and China expressed support for the junta’s 2025 election. Among ASEAN members, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos also showed their backing. However, the people of Myanmar and much of the international community viewed the election as a sham.

The junta propaganda media claimed that delegations from Russia, China, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Cambodia, Vietnam, Nicaragua, and India had observed the December 28 election. They reported that the Indian delegation was led by retired Maj-Gen. Mr. Sahni Arun Kumar. However, Indian government sources told The Wire that India had not sent an official delegation to observe the elections and that the individuals named were participating in their private capacity. Mr. Sahni also confirmed that he and another Indian delegate, strategic affairs commentator Atul Aneja, were present in Naypyidaw on the invitation of Myanmar’s Election Commission.

Therefore, only seven countries actually observed the election. An examination of these observing nations reveals that most are governments that hold power through political repression of the opposition or operate under a single-party system.

2.3- Incidents during the election campaign period

During the election campaign, U Lwin Myint, a candidate from the People’s Party in Thingangyun Township, used the words “uprising” and “revolution” to describe the situation after the 2021 military coup. In response, the UEC announced that action would be taken against him. In one campaign video, he referred to three political generations in his family: his father (a former prisoner of Cocokyun), himself (the 88 Generation), and his son (the 2021 Uprising), stating that each of them had been imprisoned due to their involvement in these movements. He also noted that his son participated in the 2021 Uprising and had only recently been released from prison. Additionally, the campaign pamphlet mentioned “the 2021 Spring Revolution against the military coup.” In another campaign video, he stated that he had provided financial support and packages to  political prisoners as much as he could. The junta’s Ministry of Home Affairs filed a lawsuit against him under Section 58-c of the election law. Reportedly, his mobile phone is also being examined by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). He was sentenced to one-year imprisonment for the charge.

Despite warnings that more violence could occur due to the junta’s election, some violent incidents still happened. One notable case was an explosion near the People’s Party office on Upper Pansoedan Road in Mingala Taung Nyunt Township, Yangon Region, at 7:30 pm on December 21. The device exploded between two buildings near the office staircase and was reportedly very powerful. Although there were no injuries, the campaign signboard and some parked vehicles were damaged. On December 25, the military junta said that the suspect, who allegedly used a homemade mine controlled remotely, was arrested at his home, and Mingala Taung Nyunt Myoma Police Station charged him under the Counter Terrorism Law.

Similarly, an explosion occurred at the office of People’s Pioneer Party (PPP), led by Dr. Thet Thet Khine, in Hmawbi Township, Yangon Region, at 10:45 pm on December 25. According to the Yangon Army, they and the Western District People’s Defence Force (PDF) carried out the attack using two powerful mines and a grenade while the guards and some members of Pyusawti Militia were drinking alcohol in the office. However, U Saw Han Aye, Vice-Chair (2) of the PPP, responded that it was not true.

Additionally, Urban Mice carried out an attack on the office of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in Hmawbi Township, Yangon Region, around 10:00 pm on November 16. Reportedly, two junta members and two militia members were injured in the incident.

On November 26 and 27, 2025, U Khin Yi, the Chair of the USDP, met with supporters in Pathein, Ayeyarwady Region, as part of the election campaign. He stated, “We prefer a vote made with the head rather than the heart. We must think carefully about the type of candidate we should support. It is your decision who you vote for, but there are important factors to consider. First, there are many terrorists in our country. If the new government does not work closely with the military, it is certain to fall the next day. Therefore, we must make our choice based on this criterion.” This statement was not consistent with the election law; however, no legal action was taken against him.

3. On the election day

Local and international media reported that voter turnout was low in the junta’s election and that a climate of fear prevailed. The New York Times, ABC of Australia, CNN, and The Straits Times, the foreign media outlets allowed to report from the country, stated that the first-phase election on December 28 differed from those held in 2015 and 2020, when the National League for Democracy (NLD) won. It was observed that many voters felt intimidated by fear. This 2025 election was the first since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD leader, and elected MPs had been arrested and imprisoned.

On the other hand, some people came to vote because they supported the junta’s election, while others came due to irresistible pressure, especially families with members eligible for conscription. Households on the overnight guest list were also threatened: if they failed to vote, they wouldn’t be able to register again. People in these situations were found to cast their votes.

3.1- Target attacks on the election day

In Kamayut Township of Yangon Region, there was a grenade attack on the office of the Township Election Commission at 2:45 am on December 28. Yangon Army Urban Guerrilla and Western District PDF claimed they jointly carried it out.

There were also attacks by drones and rockets in Myawaddy on the border with Thailand and in Mandalay in the middle of the country before and during the first-phase election. Around 8:40 pm on December 27, just hours before polling stations opened, an armed group carried out a drone attack targeting the USDP office in Myawaddy. Reportedly, two drone bombs landed and exploded at the USDP office, one on Padauk Street between Ward (1) and Ward (3), another on the middle lane of Sayar San Pu in Ward (4), and one at Yepu Traffic Lights near the Thailand-Myanmar Friendship Bridge (2). As a result, about ten residential houses, including the USDP office and Yadanar Tun Gold and Jewelry, were damaged. At least one person was killed and 10 others injured in the incident. No armed group has claimed responsibility for the attack yet.

In Mandalay, a rocket attack occurred in the city hours before the junta’s election, injuring two people. Brave Warriors for Myanmar (BWM), a revolutionary force, announced on December 28 that they carried out the attack. Led by BWM, No More Dictatorship (NMD-PDF), Shadow (Upcountry), and Infinity (Combined Force) were involved.

On the morning of December 28, an attack took place at the regional government office in Dawei, Tanintharyi Region. During the incident, an immigration officer was injured. The military junta announced on December 29, along with photos, that it was a fixed-wing drone attack and that the ceiling of the meeting hall at the government office was damaged. The injured officer was U Thant Sin, a regional supervisor from the Ministry of Immigration and Population in Tanintharyi Region.

On election day, December 28, there were shootings in Loikaw as well. The junta’s Ka-La-Ya (54) fired heavy artillery. Additionally, rockets landed and exploded in some wards of the town, such as Mingalar and Minelone. The shells fired by the junta army fell and exploded near the town of Demoso.

On December 27 and 28, attacks occurred in 11 out of 102 townships during the first phase of the election. In response, the military junta reported that: an explosion caused by a homemade mine took place at Polling Station (82) in No. (11) Basic Education High School in Shwe Nyaungbin Ward of Myitkyina in Kachin State; 107mm grenade attacks occurred in Shwe Taung Ward and Mingalar Ward of Loikaw in Kayah State; mine explosions happened near Kambawza Bank in Ward (3) and near Myanmar-Thailand Friendship Bridge (2) in Karen State; an attack using a fixed wind drone targeted the Tanintharyi Regional Government Office; 170 workers from Mayam plantation farm of Yuzana Oil Palm Company were prevented from voting in Aung Chan Thar Village Tract of Kamaukgyi Town; a drop-bomb attack occurred near Polling Station (2) in Ward (3) of Shwebo in Sagaing Region; six rockets were launched at the Nationalities Youth Resource Development Degree College in Sagaing; a drop-bomb attack hit Polling Station (3) in Basic Education High School (2) in Sawbwar Ward (1) of Tamu; shootings occurred from the north and south of Katha; rocket attacks targeted Nandawgyun Village in Madayar Township and Aungmyay Tharzan Township of Mandalay Region; drop-bomb attacks took place on the streets near the General Administration Department, local court, and central prison in Myingyan; and gunfire was reported at Polling Station (64) in Primary School (Pyun) in Zone (9) of Nyaung-U Township.

3.2- Myanmar Electronic Voting Machine (MEVM)

Before the election, the military junta repeatedly spread propaganda claiming that people could vote easily, quickly, and conveniently, and that the results would be accurate and fast. They also asserted that the MEVM had been recognized by the National Standards Council (NSC), received a Certificate of Conformity, and been licensed to display the MMS Standard Mark on the product.

The MEVM is said to consist of three parts: the Ballot Unit (BU), the Control Unit (CU), and the Verification Unit (VU). During voting, people do not need a paper ballot; instead, they choose their preferred candidate by pressing a button on the BU. They can then confirm their vote by checking the paper slip that appears immediately from the VU.

However, during the election, MEVM machines, which were being used for the first time in the country’s election history, broke down at polling stations in some states and regions. In Pathein Township of Ayeyarwady Region, the MEVMs stopped working and had to be replaced with spare units. There were also errors such as incorrect text on the verification paper, improperly cut paper slips, and the green light not turning on. Additionally, it was reported that the Control Unit often malfunctioned, showing the wrong date and time.

Similarly, in Yangon Region, some MEVM machines experienced electrical problems, with their charging cables burning, others making loud noises because their screws had come loose, and some malfunctioning altogether. In Nay Pyi Taw, there were long delays due to a shortage of machines. According to voters, several MEVM machines at polling stations in Sittway Township, Rakhine State, also had defects.

3.3- The issue of advance voting

Despite the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Myanmar citizens living abroad queued at embassies for advance voting. According to the 2024 census, over 1.12 million people live overseas, with the highest percentage of 69% in Thailand. Many young Myanmar people have migrated to Thailand, both legally and illegally, due to the consequences of the military coup and the conscription law. Civilian organizations estimate that there may be around 5 million Myanmar citizens in Thailand.

For nationals living abroad, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs arranged early voting and opened polling stations at a total of 50 Myanmar embassies, permanent representative offices, and military consulates on selected dates. The embassies also encouraged early voting. However, far fewer people voted compared to previous elections. According to community sources in Thailand, Korea, and Japan, only a small number of people cast votes early, and they were mainly embassy staff and their families. An associate of the embassy in Bangkok reported that more than 1,000 people requested early voting application forms. However, only just over 100 civilians actually voted. Since votes from embassy staff and scholarship students also exceeded 100, the total number of early voters was over 270.

In Sittway, Kyauk Phyu, and Man Aung Townships in Rakhine State, the Arakan Front Party (AFP) led by Dr. Aye Maung and the Rakhine Nationalities Party (RNP) led by U Ba Shein contested the junta’s election. However, according to a local observer, the USDP, backed by the military junta, won mainly because of early votes from junta staff and Rohingyas. U Myo Kyaw, Secretary General of the Arakan League for Democracy, said that voter turnout was low because locals didn’t support the sham election, which helped the USDP win. In an interview with CNI, Dr. Aye Maung admitted he had lost and explained that the voter list kept changing even during voting. He also said he lost partly because of the military junta’s advance votes and partly because he didn’t get support from Muslim voters.

On social media, U Ko Ko Gyi, the Chair of the People’s Party, claimed that voters actively supported them despite concerns about advance voting, issues with the voter list, and how it was glued during the election. Moreover, U Hsan Hsint, a former military general and independent candidate of Yekyi Township, said that controversial and non-compliant issues were found during the counting of advance votes at Yekyi Sub-Commission.

Regarding advance voting, the People’s Party, Shan and the Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), and the Myanmar Farmers’ Development Party sent letters of complaint to the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, asserting that the process of collecting early votes had many weaknesses and lacked transparency.

In response to controversy over advance voting in some areas, the junta leader stated, “We’ve carried out advance voting in accordance with the rules and regulations. If there are any doubts or disputes, official queries and complaints can be submitted to the Union Election Commission.”

Due to these circumstances, the UEC issued an announcement on January 2 regarding advance voting. They stated that they had arranged for eligible voters, both locally and abroad, to cast their advance votes in accordance with the law, ensuring that no one would lose their right to vote. The respective embassies, permanent representative offices, and military consulates carried out the process and sent the advance votes to the UEC via the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The UEC claimed that they had invited  political parties and counted the advance votes on December 25 by openly opening the ballots in the presence of political parties, candidates, representatives, witnesses, and the public. According to the UEC’s announcement for the first phase of the election on December 28, 68,024 ballots were cast in eight townships of Nay Pyi Taw Union Territory, 16,028 in five townships of Kachin State, 5,591 in two townships of Kayah State, 17,314 in three townships of Karen State, 2,264 in two townships of Chin State, and 19,657 in five townships of Mon State, totaling 128,878.

4. Preliminary election results

Starting from January 2, the UEC announced the results of the first-phase election held on December 28. They verified the list of MPs for 40 Pyithu Hluttaw constituencies, one Amyotha Hluttaw constituency, and 15 FPTP constituencies of the State/Regional Hluttaw.

In 25 constituencies, in areas without competitors, the USDP secured 28 seats, while ethnic parties won 3. For the Pyithu Hluttaw, the uncontested constituencies included Naungmon, Mancy, and Shweku in Kachin State; Minkin, Wuntho, Mawlight, Kani, Salingyi, and Ye-U in Sagaing Region; Yebyu and Longlone in Tanintharyi Region; Gantgaw in Magway Region; and Matman, Pekone, and Moene in Shan State.

Regarding the results of the first-phase election, the UEC announced only the list of elected candidates for Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw, and State/Regional Hluttaw under the FPTP. The results for Amyotha Hluttaw and State/Regional Hluttaw under the PR will be known in the last week of January after the completion of the third phase.

According to the UEC, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won in most of the 102 townships included in the first phase of the election. Reportedly, the Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), also known as the White Tiger Party, won a seat for Pyithu Hluttaw in Moene, Shan State. U Zaw Lat from the Wa National Party (WNP) was elected to the Amyotha Hluttaw for No. (1) Constituency under FPTP in Shan State. The Akha indigenous group’s representative seat in Shan State was won by the Akha National Development Party. In Mon State, the Mon Unity Party secured a seat for Pyithu Hluttaw in Chaungsone Township. Overall, ethnic parties won only in four out of 56 constituencies, while the USDP secured wins in the remaining areas.

On January 3, the UEC continued to release the list of elected candidates for 54 townships. Reportedly, the USDP won 50 seats, the Naga National Party secured 4 seats, the National Unity Party won 1 seat, and the Shan-Ni Solidarity Party secured 1 seat.

On January 4, the UEC announced the list of elected MPs for 20 townships. The USDP won in 15 townships, the Pa-O National Organization in 3 townships; Taunggyi, Hopone, and Loilin, and the SNDP and the NUP each won in 2 townships.

According to the results announced until January 5, the USDP has won the most seats for the Pyithu Hluttaw in the first phase, followed by the NNP with 4 seats, the PNO with 3 seats, the NUP with 2 seats, the SNDP with 2 seats, the SSP with 1 seat, and the MUP with 1 seat, respectively.

5. Disputes

On December 26, U Kyaw Kyaw Soe, Chair of Taungoo District SNDP, went live on social media and said that he did not accept the results of the advance votes; the USDP received 1,490 out of 1,583 advance votes, while the other parties received just two or three votes. He also expressed his disagreement with it. He could not accept the results in Yetashay Township because they seemed unfair and one-sided. In Yetashay Township of Bago Region, 1,583 people cast advance votes: displaced persons, 47 detainees, 21 students, and 1,515 family members of the junta army. Reportedly, the ballots were opened and counted on December 26.

In Myeik Township, the USDP filed a complaint with the Township Election Commission, alleging that the PP had encouraged two voters at Pathaung Polling Station to vote for them. It was reported that Daw Thi Thi Khine, responsible for checking voters’ names at Pathaung Polling Station in Pathaung Village Tract, had instructed Daw Saw Than and Daw Zin Mar Khine to press the button for the PP. On December 28, U Kyaw Kyaw Oo, the Chair of Myeik Township USDP, submitted the complaint letter. U Linn Aung, a USDP candidate for Myeik Township Pyithu Hluttaw, is a retired lieutenant general and former commander of the Coastal Regional Command.

6. Conclusion

Due to widespread anxiety and fear among the public, the junta’s first-phase election on December 28 became the least popular in Myanmar’s election history.

In the 2020 General Election, polls could not be held at all in nine townships of Rakhine State and six townships of Shan State. The election was only partially held in 40 townships. Therefore, there were a total of 55 townships where the election could not be fully conducted. However, in the junta’s 2025 election, polling could not take place at all in 65 townships and was only partial in 134 townships.

An election is considered legitimate only when conducted under free and fair conditions. However, the current election is taking place amid ongoing conflicts in many areas, with government operations disrupted and millions of people displaced by violence. It is evident that the military junta organized this 2025 election to retain their grip on power, rather than for the country’s  political benefit. In other words, it was simply a sham election, intended to mask the military regime’s firm control under the guise of a civilian government.

At a ceremony where international observers commented on the situation in Nay Pyi Taw, Special Envoy for Asian Affairs at the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Deng Xijun, noted that these elections reflect the agreements and cooperative efforts between Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Chinese President Xi Jinping. It can be said that China considers it desirable for Myanmar to have 25% military MPs and 26% pro-military MPs involved in shaping the government. Their strong support for the junta’s 2025 election mainly aims to secure guarantees for their investments and boost economic cooperation through their influence over the military junta, rather than stemming from any genuine desire for democratic transformation.